Sunday, December 10, 2006

The Origins and Nature of Public Education in the Province of Ontario: Universal Social Control




By Wilhelm (Bill) Arends


The Origins and Nature of Public Education in the Province of Ontario: Universal but not Egalitarian

The story of public education in the province of Ontario, extends back to the pre-confederation period, but it was at the beginning of Confederation that the nature of the system was being defined. It is difficult to fully understand the system of education during the latter part of the nineteenth century, as the structure of the school system was still in its infancy.
The education system from the middle to the end of the nineteenth century was in a stage of transition. Ontario’s universal education system would grow from a very informal one in the mid-nineteenth century to a very structured one. Domestic schooling was the most common type of schooling up to the middle of the century. This system was to drastically change as Ontario entered the confederation era.
The system that developed was structured to meet the needs of society according to a protestant upper class model. Therefore the structure of the system that developed was one based on upper-class Protestant ideals. Egerton Ryerson and the universal school system would forever change education in Ontario and give it a protestant upper class structure that was far from socially representative of class.
Alison Prentice in her book the School Promoters: Education and social Class in Mid-Nineteenth Century Upper Canada points out that Education history in Ontario was written by “schoolmen” and followed the American model that used a “congratulatory approach.” The two authors that Prentice sees as exemplifying this style of history are J. George Hodgins and J. Harold Putman. Putman’s first major work centered around the character of Egerton Ryerson it was entitled Egerton Ryerson and Education in Upper Canada. In this work he clearly states the objective of his writing as “to give a succinct idea of the nature and history of our Ontario School legislation [and] this legislation is so bound up with the name of Egerton Ryerson that to give its history is to relate the work of his life.” This great man centered approach though negates the fact that society helped to create the system as much as Ryerson the man. Society imposed forces on education that would inevitably change its character as much as the efforts of Ryerson. Marvin Lazerson in his article “Canadian Educational Historiography: Some Observations,” writes that “Ryerson’s role as historians are coming to understand, was to both help build a new system and to accommodate to social trends over which he had little control.” In a letter to Bishop Bethune Ryerson states that “My own humble efforts to invest our school system with a Christian Character and spirit have been seconded from the beginning by the cordial and unanimous cooperation of the council of public Instruction and without that cooperation my own individual efforts would have availed little.”
The growth of schooling in Ontario was not simply a byproduct of Ryerson’s efforts but due to the growing school house phenomenon. Domestic schooling predominated the first half of the nineteenth century. Many of these domestic schools or home schools were a means to supplement a family’s income, but often they had roots in religious societies and churches. As Johanna Selles points out in her article “A girl at Cheltenham: The Diary as an Historical Source” domestic religious education was commonly practiced by the Quakers which organized in “private households.” Susan E. Houston and Alison Prentice expand on this in their book Schooling and Scholars in Nineteenth Century Ontario, stating that the Quakers and the presbyterians also practiced domestic education but had developed a more formal school house centered education. In 1816 the Quakers had built their own school house and the presbyterians were not far behind in this education innovation, building their own school house in 1817. The trend toward a more formal approach to education was well under way.
The Common School Act of 1816 had allowed for government grants to towns villages or townships that wanted to set up their own schools, but had not endorsed a public educational system envisioned by Ryerson. Ryerson’s call for universal education was not to improve a student’s chances for advancement but to mold his or her behavior to a preconceived norm. All students were to be taught a set curriculum regardless of their class or ethnicity hat fit Ryerson’s upper class preconceptions of education and its purposes. This purpose being to a large degree a form of social control. He saw Christianity and morality as the key to good human conduct, and education as a means to that end. In an Editorial in the Christian Guardian Ryerson stated that “moral theory becomes a viable norm for human conduct only when it is integrated in and grounded on the all-encompassing truths of Christianity.” This belief was by no means unique to Ryerson as he was simply expressing opinions that were endemic to the educational system that existed before confederation. The Regulations on the constitution and government of schools in respect to religious and moral instruction, prescribed by the council of public instruction for Upper Canada, up held at the time a very Christian position. The regulations stated that “As Christianity is the basis of our whole system of elementary education, that principle should pervade it throughout.”
Ryerson’s chief accomplishment as Superintendent of schools from 1846 to 1876 was to centralize education in Ontario. He was to leave the system of trustees in place but removed their authority to a degree. Putman points out that Ryerson’s chief task was, that he “lessened local, and strengthened central, control, and did it so gradually, so wisely, and so tactfully, that local prejudices were soothed and in many cases the people scarcely recognized what was being done until the thing was accomplished.” Robin S. Harris in his work entitled “Quiet Evolution: A study of the Educational System of Ontario, believes that the system of education created by Ryerson was basically complete by 1867 but was simply a “ground floor.” Harris States that for Ryerson “it required twenty years of steady effort to build the ground floor, but by 1867 the job was essentially done.” Harris points out that while societal forces were influential in shaping the school system “ it was Ryerson who organized, related, and defined the basic elements and who provided the philosophic ideas which gave the developing system cohesion, inner consistency, and fulness.”
Ryerson’s biographical information sheds light on how societal influence helped to contribute to his construction of the School system. He was a Methodist Minister and the son of a United Empire Loyalist. He was the first editor of the first Methodist newspaper in Canada The Christian Guardian and the principal of the first college with university powers in Canada, the Methodist Upper Canada Academy. These experiences were to shape Ryerson’s views on education as he helped to shape the educational system of Ontario. His background as a Loyalist was to produce a particular direction to his ideas on education. Ryerson’s family having come from America, retained aspects of American ideals. As J. Donald Wilson points out in his article The Ryerson Years in Canada West, “like his American counterparts, Ryerson looked on the school as a vehicle for inculcating loyalty and patriotism, fostering social cohesion and self-reliance, and insuring domestic tranquility.” Patriotism according to Ryerson was inherent in the education system and lack of attention to this aspect of education could present problems for domestic tranquility. In a 1847 report to the Assembly of Canada Ryerson showed how strong his belief in this object of education was. He blamed American influences on Education for some of the radicalism that led to the 1837 rebellions. He stated that “in precisely those parts of Upper Canada where . . . United States schoolbooks had been used most extensively, there the spirit of the insurrection in 1837 and 1838 was most prevalent.” Ryerson tied the ideals of religion and order together. He believed that social order that had been rocked by rebellion required the lessons of religious sanctity to bring it back together. As Prentice states “The ‘world of men’ as Egerton Ryerson called it, seemed evil, Chaotic. The movement to send all children to school was, above all, a movement to bring Sanctity and order to human affairs.” Ryerson’s goal was to improve the mind of Children for religious reasons as well. Prentice points out that “The mind [Ryerson] argued in the 1870s was that which man had ‘in common with the angels and with God.’ ” According to Prentice Ryerson saw that “While political economy, science and education were important, they were meaningless if strictly secular.”
Drawing From Census data Michael B. Katz in his article, Who went to School, uses the employment of servants to determine economic and class distinction in early Ontario. His research shows that “there is a direct association between the employment of Servants and economic rank [and] the proportion of children attending school generally increased with the number of servants in a family.” The middle class morality that was therefore preached in schools stressed a life style of sobriety free of sin, and this moral education was endemic to Ryerson’s system of education. He believed there was “no guarantee that a man’s conscience would lead him away from the paths of Sin, for moral law was not innate, [and] could only be introduced to the mind by Christian revelation, and thus by Christian education.” Ryerson endeavored to include this Christian moral education into the New Provinces system of education. In a report on the Systems of popular education on the continent of Europe, in 1868, Ryerson concludes that examples of Christian education in Europe should be the model for education in Ontario. He states that “on the creation of legislature, and the inauguration of a new system of government, it seems appropriate to review the principles and progress of our system of education . . . [and] to be second to no country in our plans to secure . . . [the] blessings of a sound. Christian education.”
The System of Education that therefore developed was based on what upper class society believed to be needed to produce good moral Christian citizens, based on upper-class Protestant ideals. Katz in his article though does not see Ryerson’s attempts as highly successful and states that they did not alter the morals of the students to produce better class students. Katz states the “expansion of educational facilities reflected rather than altered the relations between social and ethnic groups.” Egerton Ryerson and the universal school system would make education in Ontario a protestant upper class tool that was far from egalitarian or representative of the students culture and ethnicity which sought to teach.



Bibliography

Prentice, Alison. The School Promoters: education and social Class in Mid-Century Upper
Canada. Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1999

Putman ,J. Harold. Egerton Ryerson and Education in Upper Canada. Toronto: William
Briggs, 1912

Selles - Roney, Johanna. “A girl at Cheltenham: The Diary as an Historical Source.” In
Historical Studies in Education. Vol. 3. No.1 (Spring 1991), 93 - 103.

Houston Susan E. and Alison Prentice. Schooling and Scholars in Nineteenth Century Ontario.
Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1988

Ryerson. Egerton to Bishop Bethune, 13 July 1872. In Historical and Other Papers and
Documents Illustrative of the Educational System of Ontario, 1855 - 1872, Forming an
Appendix to the Annual Report of the Minister of Education. Ed. J. George Hodgins.
Toronto: L. K. Cameron, 1911. P. 71.

Lazerson, Marvin “Canadian Educational Historiography: Some Observations” in Egerton
Ryerson and His Times. Eds. Neil McDonald and Alf Chaiton. Toronto: Macmillan,
1978. pp. 3-8.

Egerton Ryerson, editorial in The Christian Guardian, 18 January, 1832, p. 116, c. 3.

Regulations on the Constitution and Government of Schools in Respect to Religious and Moral
Instruction, in Historical and Other Papers and Documents Illustrative of the Educational
System of Ontario, 1855 - 1872, Forming an Appendix to the Annual Report of the
Minister of Education. Ed. J. George Hodgins. (Toronto: L. K. Cameron, 1911) 58.

Harris, Robin S. Quiet Evolution: A Study of the Educational System of Ontario, Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, 1967
Wilson , J.Donald “The Ryerson Years in Canada West”. In Education in Canada an
Interpretation. Eds. E. Brian Titley and Peter J. Miller.(Calgary: Detselig Enterprises,
1982. pp. 61-109.
Wilson, J. Donald“The Pre- Ryerson Years” In Egerton Ryerson and His Times. (Toronto:
Macmillan, 1978) pp. 9- 42.

Katz, Michael B. “Who Went to School” In Education and Social Change. Ed.Michael B. Katz
and Paul H. Mattingly. New York: New York University Press. 1975. pp.271- 293

Ryerson Egerton “Report on the Systems of Popular Education on the Continent of Europe ,
1868" In Historical and Other Papers and Documents Illustrative of the Educational
System of Ontario, 1855 - 1872, Forming an Appendix to the Annual Report of the
Minister of Education. Ed. J. George Hodgins. Toronto: L. K. Cameron, 1911. pp. 248-
278.

Considerations When Buying a New Vehicle (2005)

CR Good Bets

These are the best of both worlds: vehicles that have performed well in Consumer Reports road tests over the years and have proved to have several or more years of better-than-average overall reliability. They are listed alphabetically.


Acura Integra
Acura MDX
Acura RL
Acura RSX
Acura TL
Buick Regal
Chevrolet/Geo Prizm
Chrysler PT Cruiser
Ford Crown Victoria
Ford Escort, ZX2
Honda Accord
Honda Civic
Honda CR-V (SUV)
Honda Odyssey
Honda Prelude
Honda S2000
Infiniti G20
Infiniti I30, I35
Infiniti Q45
Infiniti QX4
Lexus ES300, ES330
Lexus GS300/ GS400,
GS430
Lexus IS300
Lexus LS400, LS430
Lexus RX300, RX330
Lincoln Town Car
Mazda 626
Mazda Millenia
Mazda MX-5 Miata
Mazda Protegé
Mercury Grand Marquis
Mercury Tracer
Mitsubishi Galant
Nissan Altima
Nissan Maxima
Nissan Pathfinder
Subaru Forester
Subaru Impreza
Subaru Legacy
Subaru Outback
Toyota 4Runner
Toyota Avalon
Toyota Camry
Toyota Camry Solara
Toyota Celica
Toyota Corolla
Toyota Echo
Toyota Highlander
Toyota Land Cruiser
Toyota Prius
Toyota RAV4
Toyota Sequoia
Toyota Sienna
Toyota Tundra


CR Bad Bets

Be especially careful when considering these models. They have shown several years of much-worse-than-average overall reliability in their 1997 to 2004 models. They are listed alphabetically.

Audi A6
BMW 7 Series
Chevrolet Astro
Chevrolet Blazer
Chevrolet Express1500
Chevrolet S-10 (4WD)
Chevrolet TrailBlazer
Chrysler Town & Country (AWD)
Dodge Dakota (4WD)
Dodge Grand Caravan (AWD)
Ford WindstarGMC Envoy
GMC Jimmy
GMC Safari
GMC Savana 1500
GMC Sonoma (4WD)
Jaguar S-Type
Jaguar X-Type
Jeep Grand Cherokee
Land Rover Discovery
Lincoln Navigator
Mercedes-Benz C-Class (V6)
Mercedes-Benz CLK
Mercedes-Benz M-Class
Mercedes-Benz S-Class
Oldsmobile Bravada
Oldsmobile Cutlass
Plymouth Neon
Pontiac AztekSaturn Vue
Volkswagen Golf
Volkswagen Jetta
Volkswagen
New Beetle
Volvo S80

Tuesday, November 28, 2006

Everyday Delussions or why - I AM BILL




















Everyday delusions

How we see ourselves and see others are the most common everyday delusions. I know a lot of people that think of themselves as complex when they appear to be almost stereotypes for certain social groups. I suspect this is a defence mechanism because there is a degree of self loathing in the personality of a lot of people. “I can’t be a Jock, all jocks are self centered dorks.”

My personal self loathing is nerdiness. To me a nerd is someone that dresses up as Worf to go to a star trek convention, or can talk for hours about the merits of “the spice.” Aside from Scifi a nerd also can be a bookworm or a fan of Cher who makes model cars at age 41. However, I have a library in my apartment; I still occasionally build models (ships planes etc…) Somewhere in my library I have the plans for the starship Enterprise, and I wear a tie to work even though my director doesn’t. I watch star trek (any of them)am I a nerd? Maybe.

So is it really important what boxes we put ourselves into or what boxes other people put us into? The answer is simple , NO. Putting yourself in or out of a box is simplifying yourself or defining yourself by standards that will inevitably limit who you are. I may be a nerd by my own definition or by the definition of others but does that make me a better or worse person? No. To think of people outside of these boxes improves us and can better our lives. How? I have a friend who has a treky licence plate but no one would call him a nerd because he is also a foremost authority on Classical studies. If I met him at a trek conference would I think of him as a great thinker, or would I put him in the nerd box? I have a friend that plays in a punk band, but is one of the best government policy analysts in Canada. If I was to place either of these individuals in stereotype boxes before I got to know them would I actually have taken the time to get to know them? If punks tend to be anarchists and as my associate is a punk do I want to associate with anarchists?


My actions do not define me, my words are not all of me, and my clothes do not make me. I am many things and none should be abhorrent to me. I am a nerd in some ways, I am simple at times and complex at others, I have jock tendencies I am a feminist male, who has some sexist tendencies. All these things are part of me they are not me.

In truth “I AM BILL”

God is a Whip-poor-will

Ever get that odd feeling something is calling you. I know its probably my subconscious mind reminding me that I did not visit my Grandpa often enough before he died and that my uncle Vern is not getting any younger, but the oddest combination of things came together today.

I was driving home and I thought I heard a Whip-poor-will, it turned out to be a sound coming from the music in the next car. My mind wandered again as it does on the dull urban shuffle home, and I thought I hadn't heard a whip-poor-will in years and would have to look and see if their range had changed as urban sprawl had taken over their nesting grounds (dried leaves on edges of fields).

At lunch I did some websurfing and ran across another Blog run by an Arends family, that was totally unrelated to me, but it got me thinking about Uncle Vern and Tanta Inga who I used to visit when I stayed at my grandparents in Fort Erie.

So when I got home tonight I began by googling whip-poor-wills and found that the range had, as I thought, moved to northern Ontario and not one bird had been seen in Southern Ontario in years. I miss the evening cry of the whip-poor-will it reminded me of my childhood. Then as I looked to see if there were any sightings at all in Southern Ontario I discovered one birders report, that mentioned hearing a whip-poor-will off Gilmore road in Fort Erie, the same road my Grandparents had lived on for years. I couldn't help but think that the bird must have been on the edge of the country club golf course that my grandmother worked at for years.

So was it a coincidence, my conscience telling me to visit Uncle Vern or the still quiet voice I so often ignore. Well God I'm listening I think I will go visit Vern and Inga sometime this spring.

Monday, November 27, 2006

Don't Sit Up Straight


Aching back? Don't sit up straight, study says

Updated Mon. Nov. 27 2006 1:03 PM ET

CTV.ca News Staff

A new study is making it easier to ignore your mother's sage advice on sitting up straight.

In fact, the stick-straight posture is bad for your back, researchers say.

The best posture is actually a 135-degree angle, which would mean one would sit at their desk leaning backwards slightly, according to new research presented Monday at the annual meeting of the Radiological Society of North America.

This position takes the pressure off the spinal disks in the lower back, researchers say.

"A 135-degree body-thigh sitting posture was demonstrated to be the best biomechanical sitting position, as opposed to a 90-degree posture, which most people consider normal," said Waseem Amir Bashir, author and clinical fellow in the Department of Radiology and Diagnostic Imaging at the University of Alberta Hospital.

more . . .

Monday, November 06, 2006

Photoshop Van Gogh


Things are simply impressions
before my morning coffee.















Including
----Me----

Friday, November 03, 2006

Bill The Hooker


Bet you didn't know I was a Hooker in Vermont?











Michelle and I came across a Shaker (almost defunct Christian sect) heritage site in Vermont and there was a display of Shaker crafts going on that day. Who knew I would make a good Hooker. Rug Hooker that is. :-)

The Marginalized Contribution of Amerindians to The Society of New France.


The Marginalized Contribution of Amerindians to The Society of New France.
By Wilhelm (Bill) Arends


Amerindians in the History of New France were to a large degree marginalized. Their history has been at times treated as a side issue to the overall history. Past histories of the period have made more of the French and English impact on the continents history with only a passing mention of the Amerindian contribution. They were only mentioned if they participated in European progress. The marginalization of Amerindian history is a by product of the non-Amerindian authors that wrote the History of New France.
An entirely Eurocentric approach to Indian Policy does not supply a thoroughly equitable history of Amerindians in New France. Historian J.M. Bumsted in his introduction to Cornelius Jaenen’s article on The Meeting of the French and Amerindians in the seventeenth Century points out that this Eurocentric history is now changing. Bumsted states that “while it was once common to deal with the history of European settlement as if the native people scarcely existed and hardly mattered, most modern scholarship now recognizes the importance of those who lived in North America before the intrusion of Europeans.” A close look at the Indian Policy of New France and Amerindian actions shows how Amerindian interaction shaped France’s policy toward Amerindians. Religious issues also helped to shape European and Amerindian relations In New France to a large degree.
While Historians have argued that Amerindians were pawns in the competition between European nations over the continent of North America, new social historians have attempted to show that The interaction between Amerindians and the French colonist was a more symbiotic one. This relationship produced marked effects on New France’s Indian Policy.
Historian Bruce Trigger points out in his work The Indians and The Heroic Age of New France, “historians have been anxious to trace the origins of New France and because they view the Indians as a lost cause , have tended to dismiss or underrate the role played by the Indians in the early historic period.” Trigger states that historians have treated Amerindians as “having no history of their own.” He utilizes social science studies and in particular anthropological and Ethnological study to show that “ contrary to conventional interpretation, the history of New France prior to 1665 was overwhelmingly shaped by the Indians throughout.”
Though to say that New France did nothing to shape Indian culture, would be to dismiss the interactions of a materialistic versus a partially-materialistic culture. Trigger argues that as materialism gained a foot hold in North America, “A growing demand for furs led to warfare between different Indian groups which enhanced the power of chiefs who were successful traders.” This growth of trade was actively participated in by the Amerindians. They were not simply passive participants as Trigger points out “they were not unknown to manipulate factors of supply and demand in their own favour.” To say that this was totally a European development though would negate that Amerindians had no idea of material value. One aspect of Amerindian culture that demonstrates a concept of value is their approach to murder and compensation. While as Trigger points out that murder was the cause of many “blood Feuds or . . . intertribal warfare. . . there was a strong desire to avoid the destructive consequences of such behavior.”” Therefore as he states there was “an effort made to replace blood feud with compensation paid by the group to whom the murderer belonged to that of his victim.” The material nature of compensation in this context demonstrates that the Amerindians had a sense of value and the fur trade was not a far leap from their traditional way of life. The interaction between the Amerindians and the French was so great that Trigger concludes that “Their wishes had to be taken account of by any Europeans hoping to have successful dealings in the region [and] this suggests that the central focus of Canadian history prior to 1665 ought not to be its European colonizers but its native peoples.”
In another book more focused on the social aspects of Amerindian life and specifically the life of the Hurons Trigger expands on this Amerindian focused history. In The children of Aataentsic : A history of the Huron People to 1660, Trigger argues that a “reassessment” of Amerindian history is required. He states that this reassesment should be one “in which events are interpreted from a Huron [or Amerindian] perspective rather than from a French or Dutch one.” Trigger believes that “relations between Indians and Europeans in early Canada were very different from those farther south.” In the south the Europeans were more concerned with separating the Indian from his land. The acquisition of land was of far less importance in the North as Canadian Geography would help to make the land far less valuable. As Trigger notes ‘ It is clear, however that for a long time relations between Amerindians and whites in the territory on and bordering the Canadian Shield, were very different from what they were in the United States.” The fur trade played a greater role in French Amerindian relations and helped to shape France’s Indian policy. Trigger demonstrates this position by stating that:
“it was far easier for the white man to buy these furs from experienced Indian trappers than to hunt for them himself: hence as long as furs remained abundant and fetched a good price on European markets, a symbiotic relationship linked the indian hunter and the European trader.

Trigger believes that this relationship is best studied using ethnohistory and Anthropology. Recording aboriginal ways of life altered by European contact helps to bridge the gap between the “prehistory period studied by archaeologists [and the] recent period.” Because of the diminished nature of Indian cultures such as the Hurons. Anthropological studies of existing Iroquois helps us to understand the Hurons. As Trigger states “Iroquois culture can be used with caution, to gain better insight into the total configuration of Huron culture and hence to understand Huron behavior as it [was] reported by the French.”
Historian William J Eccles in his book France in America, like other historians tends to treat Amerindian history as a part of French history in America, but includes a much more detailed account of Amerindians thus giving their role a greater importance. Eccles includes Amerindians as a part of the economic and religious history of New France, outlining their contribution in his chapter on Merchants and Missionaries1632-1663. He examines the interaction between Amerindian and missionaries, in a more detailed fashion to show how this interaction led to a more humane Indian policy. What he accomplishes that other historians do not, is to link religion to Indian policy and show the logic behind its development.
Eccles states the importance of religion during the period was on the rise as there was a “religious revival that swept over France during the first half of the century” The Amerindians would both benefit and suffer from this religious fervor. As John Halkett In 1826 wrote in his work , Historical Notes respecting the Indians of North America with remarks on the Attempts made to Convert and Civilize Them, notes that:
In Canada, the French missionary entered upon his task with the fervour of a zealot, and often closed it by suffering the fate of a martyr. But after all, what was the result? Did the missionaries of New France, after one hundred and fifty years of zeal and exertion, leave behind them a single Indian tribe whom they had actually converted to Christianity? . . .as far as improvement of the Indian race was concerned the labour was thrown away.

Eccles cites the growth of religious orders during the period as contributing to positive Indian relations. New orders such as the Sulpicians, the Oratorians, and the Compagnie de St. Sacrement, were established in this wave of religious fervor. One of the prime goals of these orders was as Eccles states to “convert the pagan in all parts of the world,” and he notes that “Canada was one of the chief beneficiaries of the movement.” The main purpose of missionaries in New France thus became the conversion of the “pagan Indians,” to Christianity. The missionaries and the church helped to include the Amerindians more fully in the society of New France. The charter of the original Company of New France that was responsible for the colonization of New France, included a very specific clause respecting the rights of Amerindians in the society of New France. As Eccles points out:
Clause XVII declared that any Indians who embraced Christianity and became practicing members of the Roman Church were, without any further formality, to be accepted as French subjects with all the rights and privileges appertaining, including the right to settle in France, whenever they wished and acquire and dispose of property there as would a subject born in the Kingdom.

While Eccles notes that no Amerindian would take advantage of this privilege, he praises French Indian policy on the grounds that “no other European colonizing power advanced such a civilized concept.” This civilizing quest of the missionary orders was as the Journals des Jesuites, states to establish “a new Jerusalem blessed by God and made up of citizens destined for heaven.” This new Jerusalem on the banks of the St. Lawrence as Eccles states was “to further the great work: the conversion of the Indians nations to Christianity.”
Eccles like Trigger shows how Amerindians already had a materialistic based culture. Eccles states that the Hurons “Long before the French appeared on the scene . . . . had been a trading nation exchanging their surplus corn for Tobacco, dried meat, native copper and other goods from surrounding tribes.” While supporting the idea that the Amerindians were pawns in the European quest to control the resources and economy of North America Eccles believes that Europeans simply used Amerindian rivalries to their own benefit. He states that “although the enmity of the Iroquois and Huron Confederacies antedated the arrival of Europeans on the scene, the economic rivalry for control of the beaver trade between the French on the St. Lawrence and the Dutch on the Hudson certainly intensified it.”
Another conventional historian is George F.G. Stanley. Stanley in his book New France The Last Phase 1744-1760, like most authors treats Amerindians as a side to the History of New France. Stanley attempts to show how Amerindians were used as pawns in the struggle between the French and English in the seventeenth century. Stanley points out that as the war progressed an active policy of Amerindian involvement was encouraged. Stanley states that:
The Canadian Commander at Detroit, Longueuil, [complained] . . . bitterly of the activities of American traders who were, he said, telling the Indians that the French would soon be driven from the country and that only the English would be able to supply them with the goods they required.

This was propaganda that Stanley believed had some effect, as Governor Chevalier Claude de Beauharnois noted in his dispatches that areas in contact with American influence showed a “lack of enthusiasm . . . to takeup the hatchet against the Americans when war broke out.”
While Stanley argues that the intrigues of the warring parties were more significant than the economic factors there is a strong argument to be made for both approaches. He contributes to the social history of Amerindians during the period by highlighting the importance of material trade and how it was effected or used to control Amerindians during the French English conflict. The outbreak of war in 1744, place constraints on Amerindian and French Trade as Stanley notes “the interference with French shipping at sea made it harder for them [the French] to obtain the trade goods upon which their influence over the Indians so largely depended.”
Cornelius Jaenen in his work, Friend and Foe: Aspects of French-Amerindian Cultural Contact in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, outlines new approaches to Amerindian history. He states that :
Several new approaches to the initial contacts between Europeans and Amerindians and to the Amerindian background to Canadian history have been suggested . . . The contributions of a variety social scientists - anthropologists, Archaeologists, ethnohistorians, psychologists - and other specialists - linguists, medical doctors, geographers, psychiatrists - are shedding new light on old problems for historians.

In examining Amerindian culture at the time of contact with Europeans he finds that not all contact experiences were identical as he notes “did not the French become more dependent upon the native population than the English settlers to the south.” The French were as Jaenen states, first introduced to Amerindians through the writings of Gonzalo Oviedo y Valdez in 1555 and 1568. Oviedo portrayed the Amerindians as a savage people with “Ni Foi, Ni Roi, Ni Loi” (no faith no King No law) in all accounts truly pagan. The reaction that the French had though was to treat them as human rather than sub human as other colonizing powers had. This belief can be seen as an outcrop of their faith. Pope Paul III in his bull Sublimus Deus affirmed that Amerindians were “truly men . . . capable of Understanding the Catholic Faith.”
Therefore the missionaries as Jaenen points out would “accept, in general the common humanity of the natives and in some cases this view gave them an important advantage in propagating their doctrines.” As an example Jaenen cites that it was reported in 1683 by Father Allouez that “among the Miamis and Illinois . . . the natives preferred the French to other Europeans. Alluoez writing about the English opinion of natives states that:
I think that these are the English, from whom They receive no tokens of friendship, and who take no trouble to instruct them. In fact, those heretics pay no heed to their salvation, saying that they took upon Them only As beasts; and that Paradise is not for that sort of people. [Alluoez believes that] The father did not fail to show them that he was animated with very different sentiments toward them; that he looked upon them as men, in Whom he recognized The image of a God who had created them, who had died for them, and who destined them to the same happiness as the Europeans.

Even though the Hurons, New France’s chosen Amerindian allies would be exterminated by the Iroquois of the six nations to the south, the missionaries in their own estimation accomplished their goals. It might appear that the missionaries were not be able to save the Hurons as we see it, but from a Jesuits perspective because of their strong belief in the next life they did. As Eccles says “the missionaries succeeded in their aim of saving the souls of at least half of the Huron Nation and were satisfied that although the victims had been lost to this world, they had been saved for eternity in the next.”
Contrary to the traditional view of Amerindian history social historians have been examining more closely the history of New France from a Amerindian perspective. Cornelius J. Janen in his article The Meeting of the French and Amerindians in the Seventeenth Century, argues that people in the seventeenth century misunderstood the Amerindians because they looked at them from a eurocentric perspective. Jaenen writes that “Few aspects of French Colonization in North America have been more commented on and less understood than the meeting of Europeans and Amerindians.” Jaenen does not accept that Amerindian relations where based on the fact that the French “embraced and cherished the Amerindians” as noble savages. Jaenen sees that :
When lofty objectives were translated into political directives, such as the orders given the Vice-Regent, the duc de Montmorency, ‘to seek to lead the natives therefore to the profession of the Christian faith, to civilization of manners, an ordered life, practice, and intercourse with the French for the gain of their commerce . . .’, the economic motivation emerged.

Jaenen questions the motivation of missionary zeal without actually criticizing the missionaries themselves. He believes that “the religious activities should be seen within the larger framework of cooperation between church and state in the New World to build a new society and to incorporate the Amerindians in that well ordered, institutionalized, hierarchical, French and Christian Society.” This assimilation was for economic and social means as much as for the saving of Indian souls. Jaenen sets forth the for example the Veritables Motifs of the founders of Montreal that state:
. . . and if once reason obtains the advantage over their old customs, with the example of the French, which they esteem and respect, inciting them ti work, it seems that they will set themselves straight, withdrawing from a life so full of poverty and affliction, and that they will take their place beside the Frenchmen and Christian savages . .. “

He criticizes this statement though as it “indicates two fundamental errors: firstly that the aborigines admired and wished to imitate the European way of life; secondly, that Amerindians were vagabonds and Idlers.” Jaenen sees this as exemplary of “lack of understanding involved in the meeting of two culturse.” The Jesuits while attempting to make french men out of the natives though did not lose sight of the superiority of their position. One such Jesuit father as Jaenen noted stated that “these savages were indeed given to understand that the French did not resemble them, and were not so base as they . . .” While clause XVII of the Charter of the company of New France had given The Amerindians certain basic rights of land ownership and citizenship as Jaenen points out this was not totally an equitable situation. He states that “Amerindians were not truly given the same rights and privileges as Europeans,”There were separate seigneuries and villages(known as reserves since their inauguration in 1637) for Amerindians, separate military treaties, separate churches for converts, separate wards in hospitals, and separate schools for their children.” This separation though did not effect the gradual interweaving of Amerindian and French Culture as Jaenen notes :
The process of accommodation was one of Americanization or Barbarization, not of Frenchification and civilization. The french traders adapted to the Amerindian way of life; the militiamen learned to fight in native fashion; the colonist adopted native foods, clothing and transport; the missionaries continued to learn the Amerindian dialects . . .[but] the French, possessing insufficient men, money, and materials to create an irreversible impact, were unable to assimilate the Amerindians and build a stable new society.

We can see by the writings of current historians that the perception of Amerindian history has changed Amerindians in the History of New France are no longer being marginalized. Their history is therefore not treated as a side issue to the overall history. Even though there are more works on the French and English’s impact on the continents history more than simply a passing mention of the Amerindian contribution is included in modern scholarship. They participated in European progress and at times shaped it to meet their economic requirements. The religious influence of the missionaries has been scrutinized and reinterpreted. The result of this revision of Amerindian history in New France has been the production of a much more equitable but still tragic history of the Amerindian people.

Social Historian and Maternal Feminist ?









L. M. Montgomery A Product of Her Time,
Social Historian and Maternal Feminist

By Wilhelm (Bill) Arends

Lucy Maud Montgomery’s Anne of Green Gables, is the defining novel of Prince Edward Island. The novel may produce a somewhat sugar-coated version of the truth but none-the-less produces an accurate image of life in turn of the century rural Prince Edward Island, with its good points and bad. Montgomery did not attempt to make the Island a total paradise, but does not dwell on the negative, because after all this is a novel for primarily aimed at young women of the time. Montgomery though was a very good observer of human behavior. The characters she created were a product of their times, with all the aspects of that societies’ social behavior, both good and bad. Even though most of the issues that predominated history at the time are only superficially dealt within the novel the connection to the culture of the time is clear. While Montgomery would go on to write a whole series of interesting and influential works, this novel is the one that best describes turn of the century Prince Edward Island. The novel while often described as a “simple but delightful book” has great insights into Island culture if examined carefully. Montgomery a product of turn of the century Prince Edward Island, in the novel Anne of Green Gables has not only produced a work of literature but, an interesting social history of rural Prince Edward Island.
Montgomery was definitely a product of Prince Edward Island she was born to Hugh John Montgomery and Clara Woolner MacNeill on November 30th 1874 in the rural town of Clifton Corner. In Montgomery’s day the academic careers of women were limited and Montgomery who loved writing chose a profession that would allow her to develop this academic nature and in June of 1894 she obtained her teachers’ license. Anne of Green Gables was written in 1908 as Prince Edward Island was on the verge of great changes. The legislature was obviously worried that the age of machines would negatively effect the island. As They passed laws to prohibit the use of machines in the countryside, Montgomery was capturing this delightful rural nature of Cavendish county Prince Edward Island that the province was attempting to preserve. Forbes and Muise point out in their text The Atlantic Provinces in Confederation, Montgomery’s Novel “depicts the traditionalism of the church and family in rural Prince Edward Island.” Montgomery though was not totally approving of all the aspects of Rural Prince Edward Island.
She was concerned with depicting reality within her novel while not offending anyone, as she says in her diary “” I cast ‘moral’ and ‘Sunday school’ ideals to the winds and made my ‘Anne’ a real human girl.” In Montgomery’s world asylums were still used to house orphans, women were restricted to the home, temperance was seen as the way to improve society and Maternal feminism was becoming a force to be reckoned with. All these aspects of life were included in Anne’s story. To say that Montgomery was free of social ills though would be naive and even some aspects of her own social failings can be seen in the novel.
Montgomery in her diary defines herself as having the “misfortune to be a born conservative, hater of change and to live my life in a period when everything has been, or is being turned topsy turvey” Like all conservatives Montgomery was susceptible to prejudices of her day. In the beginning of the novel Marilla Cuthbert is discussing with Mrs. Lynde the choice that Matthew and her have made to foster an orphan that is a “born Canadian” This section of the novel not only shows the racist tendency of her class but also connects the novel concretely to the period. When choosing a boy Matthew and Marilla have an in-depth discussion which Marilla relates to Mrs. Lynde, she says:
There’s never anybody to be had but those stupid, half grown little French boys; and as soon as you get one broke into your ways and taught something he’s up and off to the lobster canneries in the States. At first Matthew suggested getting a Bernado [sic] boy. But I said ‘no’ flat to that. ‘They may be all right - I’m not saying they’re not - but no London street Arabs for me, ‘Give me a native born at least. There’ll be a risk, no matter who we get. But I’ll feel easier in my mind and sleep sounder at nights if we get a born Canadian.

While Laura M. Robinson in her book L. M. Montgomery and Canadian Culture argues that this is a means of creating “Canadian Identity” within the novel, it would be more likely that the Cuthbert’s reserve was more a product of prejudice on the part of Montgomery. If it were simply for reasons of Canadian identity then why would the Cuthbert’s not have wanted a French boy. It is important also to note that Matthew suggested a Bernardo Boy as an option. Bernardo Boys or, Home Boys were part of a scheme to find better lives for urban children from the crowded city streets of Europe, by bringing them to North America. The scheme though did little more than provide cheap labour for the rural areas of Canada. This can be seen even in this novel as the whole point of the Cuthbert’s getting a boy was to help the aging Matthew around the farm. Even this can be seen as a type of class oriented prejudice. As Owen Dudley Edwards and Jennifer H Litster state in their article “the End of Canadian Innocence: L.M. Montgomery and the first World War” the Cuthbert’s decision was not a preference to establish Canadian identity in the novel but a “prejudice against Bernardo boys.” If as Adreinne Clarkson has claimed “Avonlea . . . opens it arms to welcome the newcomer.” then the newcomer had better be a natural born Canadian like Montgomery’s Anne.
Also Anne’s world suffered from a degree of Misogyny that becomes evident in the novel.The reaction to this misogyny though was one that would have egalitarian problems of it’s own. According to Erika Rothwell in her article “L.M. Montgomery and Maternal Feminism” Montgomery through the character Anne“identifies herself with maternal feminism, a powerful branch of the women’s movement in turn-of-the-century Canada.” Maternal Feminism advocated the nurturing nature of women not an egalitarian feminism that promoted equality. They saw themselves as playing much more of a role in society than women were allowed, but not an equal role to men. As Historian Veronica Strong-Boag states “women themselves, like virtually everyone else in Canadian society, identified their sex with a maternal role.” This “natural occupation” could thus serve as a barrier to the “destabilizing elements in Canada,” whatever these may be.
One of these destabilizing elements that appears in the novel is the devil of alcohol. Alcohol by the standards of maternal feminists was one of the main causes of family strife. Maternal Feminists saw it as one of their responsibilities as the nurturing element of society to protest, and attempt to eradicate the evils of alcohol. While Marilla is, a brewer of Current wine, the dangers of this become apparent as Anne inadvertently intoxicates Diana. More importantly though in the novel, Montgomery shows the danger of alcohol through the character of Mr. Thomas. Montgomery does not recount the sordid details of family abuse, as that would not be appropriate for a child’s novel. Anne uses the hateful experience of the alcoholic Mr. Thomas as a yard stick of bad experiences. She claims that the insults of Mrs. Lynde hurt her more than “Mrs. Thomas’ intoxicated husband” ever did. The dangers of alcohol as maternal feminist see it is its resulting effect on the family, this is expressed in Mr. Thomas demise as he falls in front of a train thus depriving the family of a bread winner.
Maternal feminist stressed the importance of the nurturing nature of women. Women were responsible for the family unit and anything that fell within that realm was theirs to protect. The decisions that Anne makes seem to follow this pattern. While it may seem that Anne is independent in many ways, the constraints of being a woman in maternal feminists view limits her actions. Anne is therefore subject to the nurturing role of women. Carole Gerson points out in her article “Dragged at Anne’s Chariot Wheels:’ The Triangle of Author, Publisher, and Fictional Character” that Anne had to make the “mature choice to assume responsibility and conform to community norms with regard to both class and gender.” One of the most important figures in the Maternal feminist movement was Lady Aberdeen head of the National Council of Women of Canada (NCWC) who promoted the nurturing nature of women and spoke of mothering as the “Grand woman’s mission.” Therefore the natural role of women as mothers forced Anne to stay home and take care of Marilla rather than take a university scholarship. Gerson argues that Montgomery was not a totally dyed-in-the-wool maternal feminist as she does not totally follow what would have been the norm in women’s literature at the time and, “resisted the conventional closure of Marriage.” at the end of the novel. As Rothwell notes “Montgomery’s vision of maternal feminism is steeped in realism. Not all the mother figures in Green Gables are ideals.” and “undermines the political vision of maternal women as centers of . . . pure reformist motives [and]. . . traditional moral values.” This realism as Rothwell points out was what made Montgomery :
an astute Social Historian and Maternal feminist who kept her finger upon the pulse of Canadian women’s experiences. She powerfully knit into her fiction the events, circumstances, beliefs, experiences, and realizations that were of moment in the living history of Canadian women. [ thus creating] . . . The tapestry of maternal feminism in Canada.”

L. M. Montgomery even in her personal writings seems to be a complex character as Roberta Buchanan shows in her article “Reflection piece- ‘ I wrote Two Hours This Morning and Put Up Grape Juice in the Afternoon’: The conflict between Woman and Writer in L. M. Montgomery’s Journals.” She sees that Montgomery was torn by the “conflict between woman as writer and homemaker; and her desire to conform to social expectations of femininity.”
While Montgomery does attempt to be as accurate as possible her historian skills may have been a bit lacking. In the episode where Anne attempts to dye her hair she describes the man who sells the dye to her as a “German Jew ... Who was working hard to make enough money to bring his wife and children out from Germany.” The problem with this may be in a social misconception of identity , as many Lebanese peddlers were mistaken as Jews. David Weale in his book A Stream Out of Lebanon: An Introduction to the Coming of Syrian/Lebanese Emigrants to Prince Edward Island, recounts the tale of one who was tired of explaining the difference between jews and Assyrians to one customer that he would tell the children to “tell your mother the old Jew is here.”
This discrepancy only proves that Lucy Maud Montgomery was simply a product of turn of the century Prince Edward Island and even Weale admits that this misconception of Ethnic identity was common. Lucy Maud Montgomery through the novel Anne of Green Gables, has shown herself to be an accurate witness to the social condition of Islanders. She has portrayed the rural islanders with both their strengths and weaknesses as fairly as possible. The novel while being predominantly a work of fiction is an interesting and accurate social history of rural Prince Edward Island. The aspects of Maternal feminism, Racial misconceptions and even prejudices that find their way into the novel give us interesting insights into Montgomery’s world.

Bibliography

Buchanan, Roberta .“Reflection piece- ‘ I wrote Two Hours This Morning and Put Up
Grape Juice in the Afternoon’: The conflict between Woman and Writer in L. M.
Montgomery’s Journals.” L. M. Montgomery and Canadian Culture, ed. Irene Gammel
and Elizabeth Epperly Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999

Callbeck,Lorne C. The Cradle of Confederation Unipress: Fredericton 1964.

Clarkson Adrienne. In Laura M. Robinson, “ ‘ A Born Canadian’: The Bonds of Communal
Identity in Anne of Green Gables and A Tangled Web,” L. M. Montgomery and Canadian
Culture, ed. Irene Gammel and Elizabeth Epperly Toronto: University of Toronto Press,
1999

Edwards, Owen Dudley. and Jennifer H. Litster, “The End of Canadian Innocence: L.M.
Montgomery and the First World War,” L. M. Montgomery and Canadian Culture, ed.
Irene Gammel and Elizabeth Epperly (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999

Forbes E. R. and D. A. Muise, The Atlantic Provinces in Confederation Fredericton: Acadiensis
Press 1997

Gerson, Carole. “Dragged at Anne’s Chariot Wheels:’ The Triangle of Author, Publisher,
and Fictional Character,” L. M. Montgomery and Canadian Culture, ed. Irene Gammel
and Elizabeth Epperly Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999

Irene Gammel and Elizabeth Epperly, “L .M. Montgomery and the Shaping of Canadian
Culture,” L. M. Montgomery and Canadian Culture, ed. Irene Gammel and Elizabeth
Epperly. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999

Montgomery, Lucy Maud. Anne of Green Gables, Toronto:McGraw-Hill Ryerson Limited, 1968

Robinson,Laura M. “ ‘ A Born Canadian’: The Bonds of Communal Identity in Anne of Green
Gables and A Tangled Web,” L. M. Montgomery and Canadian Culture, ed. Irene
Gammel and Elizabeth Epperly, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999

Rothwell, Erika. “Knitting Up the World: L. M. Montgomery and Maternal Feminism in
Canada” L. M. Montgomery and Canadian Culture, ed. Irene Gammel and Elizabeth
Epperly Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999

Weale,David. A Stream Out of Lebanon: An Introduction to the Coming of Syrian/Lebanese
Emigrants to Prince Edward Island, Charlottetown: Charlottetown Institute of Island
Studies, 1988

Brave New World?


Once upon a time I could actually write things that interest me. That is before I became a cog in the great governmental machine. Here is an old essay I dug up and it surprises me that it is better than I remembered it..







Machines and Stability:
In a ‘Brave New World’

by Bill Arends


The slogan of Huxley’s Brave New World is “Community, Identity [and] stability” (Huxley 1). On the eve of World War Two, Huxley saw the growth of German totalitarianism, and the growth of science. With science and control being the prime movers of society, Huxley made a logical connection between the two. He thus created a world where to create stability, science served control, and man became its victim. Ford is the embodiment of the machine, the pseudo-God of Huxley’s Brave New World, and the symbol of science in action. The machine is the only civilizing aspect of society, as the character Bernard says “these people have never heard of Our Ford, and they aren’t civilized” (Huxley 98).
Nell Eurich in Science in Utopia, analyses the role and position of Science in utopian and dystopian literature. According to Eurich, Huxley believes “science and technology should be used and controlled by man: Man should not be enslaved by them” (259). Science in Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World is the back bone of society. As Huxley states in his Foreword to the novel, the theme of Brave New World is “The advancement of science as it effects human individuals” (Huxley IV). The science of social control is, the means to which society has turned to create a stable state. Social control is applied in a mechanical way, to create a mechanical world. While other writers have interpreted Huxley’s Brave New World as showing the “absurdity of utopian dreams’(La Bossiere 290) it is possible that Huxley did not create his Brave New World as an example of “absurdity,” but more as a warning about the dangers of enslavement by science and control. Therefore an exploration of aspects of social stability, through the science of mechanical social control will prove that Huxley, was more concerned with science’s threat than the absurdity of its abuses.
It is also viable to argue, that the savage reservation offered a kind of stability based on the acceptance of life, death, and a recognized social order. While society on the reservation creates a sense of stability through voluntary acceptance, society off the reservation creates stability by enforced acceptance. The world is programmed like a machine and functions in a mechanical way. The machine like nature of life is enforced, even sometimes violently as Mustapha Mond proudly tells his students “eight hundred Simple Lifers were mowed down by machine guns at Golders Green”(Huxley 44). The individual life becomes unimportant to the machine like whole.
The simple life idea, where man lives in a natural state is easy to villainize in a society of manufactured humans that never grow old, and die only to be recycled as a source of phosphorus. The human simply becomes an element in a social machine, and the human corpse as part of this machine is, “socially useful even after [death]” (Huxley 65), in fertilizer plants making plants grow. In essence the body truly feeds the machine in Huxley’s distopic society. While Huxley’s society is highly stratified, each part is only valued by its usefulness, and in the end “All men are Physico-chemically equal ” (Huxley 65). Like cogs in the machine as Lenina remembers from her hypnopaedic programing “Everyone works for everyone else. We can’t do without anyone”(Huxley 66). As much as a cog is a slave to the machine, so are the people in Huxley’s Brave New World. In turning man into an element in a machine, the machine has turned man into a slave to itself
The world governed society, attempts to overcome worrisome aspects of life through science, and removes the fear of them, creating a false stability. Thus stability is created by removing fear as much as possible, and not by simply accepting that fear is inevitable. The attractiveness of the character John Savage, to the citizens of this brave new world, shows how Stability is marginal in the society. The Factor that science can’t fully control is man himself. Even with the removal of difference, difference still attracts society, as the citizens descend on Savage in a living “Swarm of helicopters” (Huxley 236) as moths to a flame.
One question that still arises is, why Mustapha Mond allows Savage to remain in society as long as he did. Savage’s suicide at the end of the novel leaves one to assume that little has changed or will change, society has become too great to be influenced by the individual. Stability is linked in Huxley’s Brave New World to science which attempts to create maximum efficiency, by reducing society to a type of social functioning machine. In the face of this massive and growing machine the individual has been eliminated, even if man’s innate nature shows some signs of life.

Huxley also saw the machine as becoming the replacement for God, and not the tool it was meant to be. In his personal letters we find that this view was not only an interpretation of his work, but his real intent. Writing to Simon Blumenfeld, Huxley states that he was “ greatly struck recently by a Russian film [called] ‘Earth’” (Huxley in Begnoche p 52) in which was the anti-religion slogan “there is no God. Alas, there is always a tractor or something else to take his place.”(Huxley in Begnoche p 52) In the Russian film Huxley observes how the tractor is worshiped as a God. In His Brave New World Huxley is not simply placing Ford as a god, but the Idea of the machine as the god. The assembly line that was characteristic of Fords means of production is seen in Huxley’s Hatcheries and Neo-Pavlovian Conditioning Rooms. The machine is the product of science in Huxley’s mind, and the machine is the tool that science uses to make man in its own image.
The development of a religion of science and the machine, in Huxley’s opinion dehumanized society. His work was not simply a novel of what could happen if we let the absurdity of unlimited scientific progress continue, but a warning of what he saw as possible. As Krishan Kumar points out in his book Utopia and Anti-Utopia in Modern Times, the period in which Huxley was writing was the “classic era of the Utopia in the negative”(Kumar 224). He describes the times as the “devil’s decades”(Kumar 224). As brutal dictatorships, and the rise of state social control appeared on the European continent, it would be hard to imagine that Huxley would not be influenced by this depressing trend. The rhetoric of the rising German totalitarian state can be seen in the first pages of Brave New World, as Huxley refers to his conditioned children as, not all “pink and Aryan”(Huxley 16). As Frederick Turner points out in his article “Future Shocks,” “there is no better guide to worried regard of the future than Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World.” (Turner 21) As science was finding greater and greater ways of eliminating mankind, and better ways of controlling him and conditioning him, as Pavlov was suggesting that programing could improve a species there was obviously need to worry as Huxley believed.
Again in Huxley’s personal writings we see that this uncontrolled scientific progress, was of grave concern if not morbid interest to him. In his letters to Author E.M. Forster we find one account of his unique awareness of the frightening progress of science in a somewhat amoral world:
Bertie Russell, whom I’ve have just been lunching with, says one oughtn’t to mind about the superficial things like ideas, manners, politics, even wars - that the really important things, conditioned by scientific technique, go steadily on and up . . . in a straight un-undulating trajectory. It’s nice to think so; but meanwhile there the superficial undulations are, and one lives superficially; and who knows if that straight trajectory isn’t aiming directly for some fantastic denial of humanity?
Aldous Huxley to E.M. Forster, 17 February 1935. (Kumar 224)

The denial of humanity and deference to the machine are aspects that would be hard to avoid in Brave New World. If imitation is the greatest form of flattery, this flattery can be seen in Huxley’s society which sounds and behaves like a machine. In the Central London Hatchery and Conditioning Center, life imitates the rhythmic nature of the machine as “ The Dynamos purred in the sub-basement, the lifts rushed up and down. On all the eleven floors of Nurseries it was feeding time” (Huxley 132). It is interesting to note that Huxley’s society, the glorious machine like world, is also programed like a machine, a computer that is continuously instructed in the betterment of itself. Every evening the youth of the society are given repetition after repetition, of words of wisdom designed to make them function better in society. It would have been hard to imagine that Huxley foresaw computers, when he was writing but it would seem he could see the nature of the machine age as it developed along this path.
Even with this development though, Huxley saw the superficially undulations personified in mankind. These undulations are arguably personified in the person of John Savage. This is not to say that Huxley believed that a ‘brave new world’ was not possible but, simply that undulations such as John Savage where not a bad thing.
Aspects of a mix of science and control can also be seen in the Central London Hatchery, with its science of eugenics, the Neo-Pavlovian Conditioning rooms, and the solidarity services that replace religion in this machine like world (Huxley 16). This machine world, uses science as Sybil Bedford points out to, “dominate people by social, educational and pharmaceutical methods” (Bedford, 249). The drug Soma the universal instiller of happiness in the world feeds the machine. In this new world it is Happiness rather than truth and beauty that matter[s] (Huxley 208) It is “universal happiness [in Huxley’s distopia that] keeps the wheels steadily turning”(Huxley 208).
Not all writers of Huxley’s time agreed with his negative view of the world. The progress of science was not universally viewed as a bad thing and in truth some saw it as beneficial. H.G. Wells while he was apprehensive about the future as his Novel The Time Machine would attest to, was not wholly convinced that it was science that was the problem. Kingsley Martin, recalls Well’s reaction to Huxley’s Brave New World, in which he states;
I remember his talking to me about Aldous Huxley, whom he regarded as the degenerate descendant of a noble grandfather. He spoke with bitterness of Brave New World; it was blasphemy against the religion of science. It suggested that knowledge might be the path, not to the modern Utopia, but to a new kind of servile Hell. (Kumar 224)

This servile hell was obviously not something that Well’s saw as the progress of science. To writers like Wells science was as he stated the path to a “modern Utopia”(Kumar 224) not the evil distopia of Huxley’s Brave new World.
Other writers of the day had impressions of just how science was going to save civilization. This religion of science, this worship of the machine, was not simply something that Huxley created within his own mind. J.D. Bernal in his book, The World, The Flesh, And The Devil, published in 1929 had already foreseen the things that Huxley was writing about, but saw them in a much more positive light. For Bernal science was the savior and saw that “scientists would have a dual function: to keep the world going as an efficient food and comfort machine, and to worry out the secrets of nature for themselves”(Kumar 238). Huxley, with his conditioned and programed society would hardly argue with this fact, but did not see it as positive, as we have seen he saw it as dehumanizing and in the novel he shows it as destructive.
Huxley goes one step farther in saying that science its self becomes self defeating, as control grows in a society. While to Huxley’s programmed citizens, “Science is everything”(Huxley 205), as Mustapha Mond points out, science is “dangerous; [in society] we have to keep most carefully chained and muzzled”(Huxley 205). If science solves all problems and frees mankind to live in a utopic condition, what is mankind to do. Mond states, and with a degree of truth, that labour saving devices are not entirely good, “For the sake of the labourers; it would be sheer cruelty to afflict them with excessive leisure”(Huxley 205). A science that can’t solve the problem of the human element (and never will) is as Mond points out as “dangerous as it’s been beneficent”(Huxley 207).

With Science as the means, stability as the end, and happiness as the path it would appear that Huxley’s Brave New World, is putting the cart before the horse. He thus creates a world nightmare in which ignorance and drug induced happiness create a stable world, that neither degenerates nor progresses. This condition is kind of like a car in neutral, stable but somewhat useless, and entirely pointless. Humanity in this Brave New World achieves nothing, feels nothing, and in essence does nothing. The product of this society is the total dehumanization of mankind.

Huxley’s Brave New World may be an ‘absurdity’ but it is more a warning about the dangers of enslavement by science and control. Social stability through the science of mechanical social control is as we have seen more of a social nightmare than a Utopia. If Wells was truly thinking that a religion of science, was something to be praised , then Huxley has created a successful argument in defense of the opposite. Once truth was eliminated it would seem in Huxley’s Brave New World so was humanity, and all that remains is the machine.

Bibliography

Bedford, Sybill. Aldous Huxley. New York: Harper and Row. 1974.

Eurich, Nell. Science in Utopia. London: Oxford University Press. 1967.

Huxley, Aldous. Brave New World. London: Flamingo. 1994.

La Bossiere C. R. “Sunken Atlantis and the Utopian Question.” Science-Fiction Studies. 4
(1974): 290-297.

Begnoche, Suzanne R. “Aldous Huxley’s Soviet Source Material: An Unpublished Letter.”
English Language Notes. 34.3 (1997) 51-57.

Varricchio, Mario. “Power of Images/Images of Power in Brave New World and Nineteen
Eighty-Four.” Utopian Studies. 10 (1999) 98

Turner, Frederick. “Future Shocks.” Reason. 31 (1999) 20-27

Kumar, Krishan . Utopia and Anti-Utopia in Modern Times. Oxford: Basil Blackwell Ltd.
1987.

2005 Mount Washington Collage


We took the hard trail.

Monday, October 30, 2006

How does one parade a sacred cow?


Sacred Cows

There are in each of us sacred cows that we protect with a passion that can be destructive to any who should try to slaughter them. The problem with Blogging in a community that includes friends and relatives is that we must be very careful to hide the cow completely so others are not aware that cow is being protected. So we build walls around the issues and are very careful not to talk about the cow should the machetes come out. I suspect that we all have such beasts in our metaphorical mental barns.

Some people are aware of my sacred cows (I have several) my question is how does one parade a sacred cow without getting its head chopped off, or endangering those that might attempt to chop off a rump or rib? Of course I am talking in metaphors as I don’t own a Machete but I have a pretty sharp tongue. That said, there are times I regret using my verbal Machete and times I don’t.

So again How does one parade a sacred cow?

Friday, October 27, 2006

Park Cleaning Can be Painful


Ever had to pose for a photo sooooo long that you feel your face is going to freeze in a permanent fake smile?

I'm not sure if I am smiling or grimacing in pain.

Tuesday, October 10, 2006

Privacy

Just a quick note - I have unpublished this blog so just the current participants and those I invite can veiw it, as it has some more personal details. Please don't share it. If you would like to share it let me know and I will send the invite if I trust the person you are proposing to share it with.

Monday, September 25, 2006

Our New Hampshire Vacation - Day 3 - Sunday Sept 17 2006




Installment #3

A Stinky Puppy, Tame Birds and Plans for Kilimanjaro.

The next morning we woke to the smell of cooking breakfast, making us feel that the $80 per night to stay in the hut might have been a good idea. We ate a quick breakfast of granola bars and carrot cake (left over - from the night before) and headed down the trail. Our objective was to get as far as we could before we had to turn around. I figured that leaving at 8:00AM we had until 6:30PM (sunset) and thus we would have to turn around at about 1:00 or 1:30 PM.

The trail was gentle at first but rose quickly as we came up to Mt Pierce. We passed the couple from the camp that had the two Malamute dogs. The male had a saddle pack loaded with about 20 pounds and the female had a nasty flatulence problem so it was either race to keep ahead of them or let them get farther ahead. As Michelle and I like to take our time we let the stinky puppy get far far ahead. The summit of Mt Pierce was relatively easy to get to and at the top I purposely searched out the Geological society benchmark to take a picture of it. I eventually found it but the mark had been so abused it was almost impossible to make out the elevation. It was nice to be above the tree line as we could now take off our caps for a while. Michelle was talking to the folks that run the AMC Hut and apparently the area has a tick and Limes disease problem, so we had to keep our hats on anytime we were in the woods. Also the breeze made the humidity somewhat more bearable.

As we passed to the next part of the ridge of mountains we caught a glimpse of the next summit Mount Eisenhower. When we hiked down to the saddle between the mountains clouds started to fill the Notch below us. Before the entire valley filled with clouds we had a great view of the Mount washington hotel in Bretton Woods, then within seconds the clouds covered the valley and began to spill over onto the Eastern slopes of the range. We literally walked thrrough the clouds as they spilled between the summits and onto the other slope of Eisenhower. The peaks of the mountains were visible through the clouds and the clouds looked like lakes of snow. As fast as the clouds came they tumbled over the Mountains and disappeared in the warm weather on the other side. There was one brief scramble as we approached the summit for about three metres we were on our hands and knees climbing a crevice like slope. When we got to the summit there was a crowd of hikers lazing in the sun. We met a couple of hikers coming the other direction that were locals but avid hikers. They talked about the best hikes in the area and we talked about hiking in general. One hike they described was one they took in the 90's to mount Kilimanjaro in Africa.. It seems that unlike everything that is said about it the hike is not that difficult but requires some acclimatisation due to thin atmosphere from the height of the climb, and doing it slow is a requirement by the guides. They gave us a good contact address to hire guides and such.. They also had a beautiful husky which licked our camera as Michelle tried to take a picture. Interesting picture ! After a brief stay at the summit and a few rolls of film later, we headed down the other side. The trail branched in several directions and we decided to take the trail around the other side of Mount Eisenhower on the way back. This turned out to be a bit of a mistake. There was no wind and the sun beat down on us as if it was mid summer. We hiked as quick as we could to get back to the saddle trail that headed back the way we came. When we came around the mountain the wid had picked up and we had some excellent views of the valley that we had missed due to the clouds on the way up. We hiked until we came to the summit of Peirce an stopped briefly for a snack, which we shared with a crowd of Grey Jays, which the Americans call Canadian Jays. Admittedly it is nice to have such a gregarious creature with the Canadian moniker but I have never heard them call this before. They swooped an landed near us one even took some crumbs directly from Michelle’s hand. As we headed back down the trail leaving our feathered friends to eat the remaining crumbs we left behind the sun started to get lower and the entire look of the trail changed. I was concerned that we might have taken the Crawford path trail instead of the trail to Mizpah hut but things became more familiar the farther we hiked. The trip down was far faster than we thought. With the exception of one slip we made it back in record time. Michelle seems to have developed a sizable bruise and I suspect it was from the trip down. When we go it back we were tired but not totally exhausted. I guess I was feeling my age as I voted to hang around the Hut and not try to tackle the Webster Cliff trail as Michelle suggested but given the length of time it took for the sun to set I suspect we could have easily made a quick trip to the cliff face and back before sun set but it was nice to relax and let my muscles heal before we headed back down the next morning. We ate a very disappointing dinner of dehydrated fettuccine and Black bean and corn chowder. The fettuccini was awful but the bean chowder wasn’t bad. That said when you are sleeping in a tent bean chowder is not a good idea. Enough said I hope. We stayed up late talking to some of the hikers and exchanging some Scouty stories and then called it a night. Luckily my sleeping bag had dried during the day and it was a much warmer nights sleep.

100 Reasons Why I love Michelle



Can you tell me 100 reasons you love your partner?
Here are 100 for mine but I could go on.

1. She listens to me even when I’m boring
2. She has the most amazing hazel eyes I have ever seen.
3. She encourages me when I need it
4. And knows when I am just being lazy.
5. She will hike on even when she hurts worse than me
6. Chocolate is one of our favourite foods
7. She cares what I think about her clothes
8. She cares how I dress (which is cool no one else has)
9. She never quits
10. She loves all seasons
11. She hikes
12. She bikes
13. She Snowshoes
14. She eats my cooking
15. Even when it’s BAD
16. History does not bore her
17. She is rarely as grumpy as me when she is tired.
18. She likes little children and small animals
19.To her Cuddling is a hobby.
20. She lets me sleep in on Saturday
21. She loves to cook
22. She loves to travel
23. We do most things together
24. We share allergies
25. She’s practical
26. She does not suffer fools well
27. She likes hot dogs
28. She can draw.
29. She likes my dated folksy taste in music
30. She likes Disney movies
31. She looks good in an evening dress
32. She looks good in Jeans
33. She looks good in most things
34. She doesn’t like Stephen Harper, Tony Blair or George W Bush
35. She may even vote NDP
36. She loves Christmas
37. She loves Thanksgiving
38. She dresses up for Halloween
39. She loves hot tubs and spas
40. If it's cute she likes it
41. Freckles rock (need I say more)
42. She talks as much as I do (most time unless she is mad at me)
43. She can take a good photo of me
44. She gets excided about vacations
45. She has dreams
46. I’m in some of them
47. She trusts me
48. She has faith in me
49. She believes in herself
50.She keeps learning
51. She has dimples when she smiles
52. She loves roses
53. She sends me roses
54.We like the same TV shows
55. She reads a lot (but sometimes reads novels more than once - I don’t understand that)
56. She loves the stuff toys I buy her
57.She doesn’t like stinky perfume
58. She smells nice
59. She misses me when I’m away
60. She has a great voice
61. She recycles everything
62. She likes “Great Big Sea”
63. She loves Jazz
64. She loves walking in the rain
65. She loves to swim
66. And looks good in a swimsuit
67. Romance never bores her.
68. She loves to dance
69. She loves to camp
70. She loves nature
71. She has an amazing smile
72. She is loyal to her friends (even when they are being stupid)
73. Her favourite colour is yellow
74. She likes parties
75. She speaks French (that’s sexy)
76. She understands me If anyone does
77. She looks good in a T shirt (just a T shirt)
78. She is not afraid of much (except some heights)
79. She faces her fears
80. She is beautiful even when she is sad.
81. She loves Kites
82. She loves to play
83. She is young and refuses to act old.
84. Even when surrounded by old fuddy duddies like me
85. Her teeth are as white as new snow.
86. She will try most things once
87. She never loses her sense of wonder at natural beauty
88. She likes breakfast in bed
89. She will cook breakfast in bed for me
90. She’s spontaneous
91. She is whimsical
92. My arms fit nicely around her waist
93. She loves Hugs
94. She is a great kisser
95. Holding hands is not an option, it is an essential
96. Sharing comes naturally to her
97. She has a great laugh
98. She’s kind
99 She’s enthusiastic
100. She Loves me.

Friday, September 22, 2006

Name That Pond

I am now aware that I have a limited readership of this somewhat self centered little Blog. So to keep you entertained can any of you identify the body of water in the header for this blog?

Our New Hampshire Vacation - Day 2 - Saturday Sept 16 2006




Installment #2

Ash Trees, Kids in FlipFlops and the We Hate George W Bush Society


Saturday morning we learned a lesson in dehydrated food storage. Dehydrated food has a shelf life contrary to the one on the pack. We decided rather that our usual oatmeal breakfast we would try the last Blueberry cobbler pack we had. I started up the stove and put the water and fruit mix on to boil which was supposed to turn into a fruit syrup on which the biscuit mix bakes and hardens. So what you are supposed to get is a large, cookie like, biscuit with blueberry syrup running through it in veins. We have had it before, and it is quite good, BUT not this time. This time we got thin blueberry soup, no biscuit.

As we were going to be hiking 3 to 6 miles today (using miles as it was marked that way - why do American’s resist the metric system?) we went for a quick brunch at Willey house in the centre of the notch. Willey house is a snack bar and gift shop that sits on the site of a famous landslide. Looking at the cliff faces on either side of the notch, the idea of being in the valley during a landslide is terrifying. There are large bare patches on the rock and I was left wondering just how much rock fell in the slide. We stopped at the AMC centre and talked to an older gent who told us if we wanted a good view of the notch to climb Mount Williard at the entrance to the notch, but as we had limited time, we decide to hike into Mizpah Spring Hut starting around noon. Michelle wanted to do the Webster Cliff trail that goes along the side of the notch, but seeing as there is a lot of scrambling (hands and knees) involved we decided to take the Crawford path which is much shorter 3 to 4 miles rather than the 6 miles along the cliff.

We bought a weekly parking pass, parked at the trail head to the Crawford path, loaded our packs lighter than usual and headed off down the trail just into the trail we came across an elegant little waterfall that made a very interesting bubbling noise and left the air, cool and moist. The trail then followed the creek that fed the falls for about 1.5 miles through a rather open deciduous bush which had lots of Mountain Ashes growing that were dropping copious amounts of bright red berries. Having never seen Mountain Ash trees I had to ask one of the other passing hikers what they were. Along this section of trail there were many hikers. We were passed by the young employees of the AMC that service the huts. All the supplies are hiked in on the backs of these kids. Yes, they look like kids, no more than 15 or 16 yrs old. Being the end of the season they are in incredible shape not an once of fat on any of them. The first two that passed us were carrying supplies on a simple ladder pack that consisted of a ladder frame held together with canvas and tied to it by twine was stacks of boxes of food. This was no backpack, just a simple frame which the hiker holds by reaching downward and grasping the bottom of the ladder. The pack is not tied to the hikers back it is just held like you might hold a person piggy back. Along the trail we had to stop a couple times to take a breather but these kids just plowed on by, at top speed, some wearing nothing more than shorts, T Shirts and flipflops no hiking boots or quick dry clothes. If Michelle and I have kids, this is a summer job I hope they think about. I would have loved to have done this, for a summer.(had I not been such a lazy little bugger as a kid)

Having left a bit late (1PM) we reached the hut just about dinner time. The tenting area was entirely taken up but they had opened a couple over flow sites one being in a spruce grove behind the hut and another on a grassy meadow in front of the hut. We were put in the spruce grove but as it turns out this was the better site because the meadow site is over the waste reclamation system that dries human waste and turns it into soil. Interesting system which uses manual labour the AMC kids again, to aerate the waste. Only one problem is it STINKS.

The hut was full of children of various ages some from a school group and some from a scout group. Luckily the spruce grove sheltered us from the noise as the cubs and school kids were LOUD. They did however, quiet down about 9:30 PM. Several other tenters came out of the bush to set up their stoves on the rocks by the hut. One couple had a back pack stove much like ours (MSR product) they were cooking dehydrated stuff again much like ours, we agreed that the Alpine Aire Pineapple chicken was a good choice. We realised that George W Bush seems to be the common enemy of tree huggers in the US. I made the mistake of saying something positive about him and got an earful, from one of the hikers. In reality I am no great fan of him but I thought it impolite to say negative things about a countries president while a guest in the country.

The smell of the dinner at the hut made our simple meal seem inadequate but after the hike it was appreciated. Michelle and I have decided that one day wee are going to go back and hike the trail using the huts (a chain of them run along the range) as meals and lodging are proved and thus you have to carry less as you hike. Bunk beds with mattresses are provided and the water is drinkable at the huts so you don’t have to pack as much water. Water is one of the heaviest things you carry hiking.

We ate and talked about what we were going to do the next day as it was getting to late to hike without headlamps (ours seem to be missing). We decided that rather than moving our tent to a new site we would use this site as our base camp and hike away from the notch into the presidential range, as far as we could and return in a day. After making plans, we called it a night and headed off to bed in the spruce grove. I hung the bear bin with our food in it in the tree not far from the tent. As my sleeping bag was wet from our leaking camel back hydration pack, I slept in just the fleece liner. Thank God it was warm when I went to sleep but it got very cold during the night. I got up once during the night, to move the bear bin farther from the tent, because there were odd noises in the bush. However it was not bears but die hard through hikers doing the Appalachian trail AT NIGHT. I could say I was impressed but I kept thinking just what would you see doing that. Oh well whatever turns your crank. Thus ended our first day.

Wednesday, September 20, 2006

Our New Hampshire Vacation - Day 1 - Friday Sept 15 2006


Installment #1

Fingernails Dehydrated Muck and a Million Stars




This past weekend Michelle and I took a short vacation to the white mountains of New Hampshire. It is one of our favourite hiking spots. A number of years ago we climbed Mount Washington from the Great Gulf Wilderness trail and became totally captivated by the place. Unfortunately money and time have kept us from returning until this week.

We packed as much dehydrated food as we could find and warm clothes because it is after all September (our Mistake) and headed off to New Hampshire. Actually the adventure began the night before as we went off to Mountain Equipment Coop MEC and bought fresh (if you can use the term here) dehydrated food and a new backpack for Michelle.

We packed our gear Thursday night trying, without much luck to keep it light. We left about 7 AM in the morning and headed to the US by way of Montreal Sherbrooke Magog Vermont and I93 to Crawford Notch New Hampshire. That was the condensed version of the trip in actuality we headed out without really planning the route. Most of our planning was done while we ate a very disappointing Breakfast at Casselman Ontario. I say disappointing, because we stopped at McDonalds thinking it would be fast easy and relatively safe food. At least you know what your getting right? Wrong we ordered two sausage and egg Mcbagels (or whatever) and got one BLT bagel and one sausage and egg mc bagel. Oh and as a bonus I found a finger nail in my BLT bagel but by the time we noticed the error and extra human protein we were on the road. I was lucky I did not eat the fingernail I found it in the wrapper of the bagel after I had munched half the thing. I checked all my nails first and I knew it wasn’t Michelle’s as it wasn’t metallic burgundy. YUCK YUCK YUCK ETC....

It was a bit cloudy and grey as we went through Quebec but began to clear and get surprisingly warm as we went south we crossed into Vermont at Darby Line. This was the first time I have ever been asked if I have been finger printed as I crossed the border and I think the guard was surprised when I said yes without even thinking about it. Then I quicky added it was when I was working for the RCMP as a student. As usual we passed through customs with little or no problem. The fall colours were beginning to show but most of them were yellow with a few hints of red. The weather in the east has been very mild I am not sure we even have had our first frost of the year. The countryside in Vermont is some of the loveliest in the east and the people are incredibly friendly. One thing I like is that every roadside info stop in Vermont has coffee available by donation (but I tend to donate as much as the cost because I feel guilty giving less.

We stopped in a small town were I93 enters New Hampshire for a late lunch. I am not sure if we were in Vermont or New Hampshire at this point, I will have to ask Michelle as her synapses being somewhat younger than mine work much better. As an American Blogger friend of mine (49erdweet) noted in New Hampshire "those sturdy Yankee's [have a] practice of eschewing public eateries - or else hiding them in obscure locations, far from tourists' eyes." So finding lunch was not as easy as we thought, and Unfortunately the easy going nature of residents of New England extends to customer service, they are very friendly but none too fast. As we finished our somewhat late lunch a train passed just behind the balcony. It was a small freight train and the sound of the whistle echoing through the mountain air seemed to fit well into the ambience of the warm autumn afternoon. I don't know why but trains seem to remind me of late summer or fall, possibly because as a kid I tried to make summer last as long as I could by taking long walks along the train tracks to the Mad river to fish or just throw rocks off the trestle bridge.

We arrived in Crawford Notch in the afternoon and decided to spend our first night at Zealand campsite before we hiked into the back-country areas. Our eventual destination was Mizpah Hut run by the Appalachian Mountain Club. We planned to tent on the tent platforms available but as it was three miles in and would be dark when we arrived, so we pitched our tent at Zealand campground and took a short hike into the bush and saw the silhouette of Sugar loaf against the night sky. A deer wandered into the brush as we walked up the trail, but we only got a brief look at it before it disappeared. We went back to the campsite and had our first dehydrated meal (I am having serious second thoughts on this dehydrated camping food - most of it tastes like stall mash potatoes) The night was warm and there were millions of stars to count the perfect end to a nice day.

Friday, September 08, 2006

My Accidental Life


49erdweet started me thinking about how our jobs define us, as he outlined his career path or phases of life in a blog article. I thought it might be interesting to followup his article with one that outlined my career path, if you can call it that.

The unfortunate thing about my life is there have been so many small jobs and times when I have done more than one thing at a time it is hard to define what really defines me at any time in my life. I was not even sure that my jobs related to the definition of me, and I am still not sure. Then I came up with the best way to describe my life / career path that did not portray me as self serving, although I admit to a large degree in choosing my life path I was being self serving.

My life up to a point could be best described as the accidental life.

The semi goal oriented phase

In my early years I wanted to go into youth ministries (a surprise to some I am sure) To that end I worked as a camp counsellor for 3 summers as a teen. I worked part time at a daycare run by the Methodist church in Barrie Then in my last year of highschool I did a short placement at the Barrie Banner newspaper as I entered the “I want to be a journalist phase” In this journalist phase I even went to Loyalist Community College for just over a year and dropped out for several reasons the main one being I was getting so bored that I wasn’t bothering to do the work. (And I had one of my first serious failed relationships) I have always been interested in photography so I went on to try Advertising at Georgian College again that did not interest me. I became so disillusioned with education that I decided screw this I will just take things as they come.

The no goal or floating years phase

So I got into cleaning (buildings) which sounds boring but enabled me to earn money so that I could travel one month out of every year . Basically started to float between vacations saving every nickel so I could take that all important trip to Europe or Egypt or Israel.(14 years - 10 or more trips overseas)

The epiphany !

I woke up ! I noticed I was travelling but really going no where. I didn’t have a life, life had me. I had been telling everyone that one day I was going to go back to school and finish a program maybe even university. However I was almost 34 and the likelihood of going to university was getting slimmer and slimmer. So with the money I saved for my next big trip and having developed a loathing for my life I decided just for the hell of it to apply to university. I chose something I thought would be interesting and that was to work toward a career as a history teacher starting with a history BA. I sent out applications to four universities and was accepted at all of them I chose the one farthest from home and applied for student loans,

I spent 4.5 years studying history in the coop program at the university of Ottawa and graduated Cum Laude with an honours degree and some how acquired a wife along the rout.

I was out of work for two months and then was picked up by a the Canadian government full time as a policy analyst and have been here ever since. (4 years)

Conclusion


Did any of these Jobs define me, does my current job do so, not really, and I have left out all the part time stuff I have done on rout. (Cadet instructor, construction worker, carpet layer, carpet cleaner, printing press operator, part time photography instructor, Fridge delivery person, mover etc.... and a million volunteer things) What defines me is me. If I have any real goals It is to be the best I can be in any situation I find myself and since I headed back to school in the nineties I think I have done that.

Welcome to my accidental life.

Wednesday, September 06, 2006

Our Vacation to the East Coast: A Piper, Forts, a Phony Indian and why I hate the Sûreté du Québec.


(Final Installment #7 - Saturday - Sunday)
Photos and many edits to follow.

Our next stop now on the way home was at the info centre on the border between Nova Scotia and New Brunswick where we stopped and watched a piper play sending eerie wails of Celtic history over the Bay of Fundy. After a brief stop to fly a kite in the ever present Fundy winds we headed off to Fort Beausejour.

Fort Beauséjour National Historic Site of Canada commemorates the role of the Fort in the struggle between France and Britain, and between Britain and the American colonies, for North America, 1751-1783. At Fort Beauséjour England and France were caught up in a tug-of-war for supremacy in Acadia.

Today the Fort’s ruins sit atop a hill overlooking the Isthmus of Chignecto, the land bridge between New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. Watching only the occasional passing train which traverses the low land below the Fort. As we wandered around the fort a VIA Rail passenger train passed below the fort making a wide arch around the low lands it was an incredible site to see the contrast of history and modernity. The powder magazines have been recreated realistically with some of the original stones, thus there are inscriptions (graffiti) on the walls dating back to the 1700's.

In an effort to find a campsite during the daylight hours we headed off stopping only once in Edmondston New Brunswick to look at Fortin du P'tit Sault Blockhouse

Constructed in 1841 at the height of the hostilities between the United States and England, The P'tit Sault Blockhouse was one element in a long line of defence installations stretching all the way to the province of Québec. It was destroyed by a lightning strike in 1855 and reconstructed, thanks to the generosity of the community, in 2000. Unfortunately we were only able to take a look from the outside as the Blockhouse was closed when we got there.

Our final campsite of the vacation was at Camping Cabano out side the village of Cabano this area is another historic one with echos of the War of 1812 all around there is an interesting but underfunded fort named fort Ingle just across the road from the Camp ground. This area was also made famous by Archibald Belaney AKA Grey Owl. Belaney adopted an Indian identity and the name Grey Owl, married an Anishinaabe woman, Angele Egwuna, worked as a fur trapper, wilderness guide and forest ranger. He told everyone he was a child of a Scottish father and Apache mother and had emigrated from the US to join the Ojibwa. Even though he was a total fraud his writings had an impact on environmental conservation in Canada. If you can find a copy of his writings read them they are inspiring. The Fort was interesting but small and so underfunded the uniforms used by the animators looked like Children’s Halloween costumes.

The rest of the trip home was not so pleasant. I have to admit that I am a bit lead footed when on the highway so I go on average 120 kph (which 7 out of 10 people do) but I neglected to remember that the Quebec police are not so forgiving of speeders as the Ontario police and especially unforgiving of speeders with Ontario plates. While I KNOW I was driving 120 kph I passed a Quebec provincial police car and quickly slowed and moved into the right lane, which was my mistake because it was then he followed me and pulled me over. He addressed me in French and when I said I did not speak French he grunted and said “I clocked you at 132 KPH” this he repeated 5 times as he handed me the ticket. I kept my cool and explained that I must have been watching the speed of traffic not the speedometer (but wisely I did not argue). I could have pointed out that every other freaking car on the road which was bumper to bumper was going the same damn speed but what the heck it was not worth it. I could have argued the speed on his radar was wrong but this guy seemed to be waiting for me to disagree, I suspect so because he kept repeating the speed to me.

So from now on in the province of Quebec I drive at the speed limit, no more no less.

Knowing we now had a sizable fine and a small bank account I headed Due west Arriving in Ottawa around 9:00 PM I would have made better time if I drove the speed of traffic but that as you have read was not an option.